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" Intelligentsia Class Formation and Ideologies in Peripheral Societies: Comparing Egypt and Iran, 1922-1952 "
Rim Wassim Naguib
Orloff, Ann; Derlugian, Georgi
| Document Type
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Latin Dissertation
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| Language of Document
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English
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| Record Number
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804273
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| Doc. No
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TL49097
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| Call number
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1851260701; 10193844
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| Main Entry
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Islam, Muhtadi Muhammad
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| Title & Author
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Intelligentsia Class Formation and Ideologies in Peripheral Societies: Comparing Egypt and Iran, 1922-1952\ Rim Wassim NaguibOrloff, Ann; Derlugian, Georgi
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| College
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Northwestern University
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| Date
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2016
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| Degree
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Ph.D.
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| field of study
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Sociology
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| student score
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2016
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| Page No
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469
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| Note
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Committee members: Mahoney, James; Pearlman, Wendy
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| Note
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Place of publication: United States, Ann Arbor; ISBN=978-1-369-44787-3
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| Abstract
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This dissertation examines the determinants of intelligentsia political ideologies, using the contrasting cases of the Egyptian and Iranian intelligentsia in the period 1922-1952. The two intelligentsia diverged in terms of the ideologies they predominantly espoused; while the <i>effendiyya</i> largely espoused corporatist, rightist ideologies in alliance with the petty bourgeoisie, the <i>rushanfekran</i> predominantly upheld socialist democratic ideologies, and forged alliances with the working class. This study surveys, and seeks to explain, this divergence, by looking at the specificity of each intelligentsia class location, arguing that the latter was a function of each country's mode of integration into the world economy, which determined the nature of the economy, the class structure, and the state. The extensive specialization of Egypt in the cultivation and exportation of cotton caused its state to be highly dependent on large landowners' and European financial interests, resulting in the emergence of a fragmented intelligentsia, organically linked to the rural petty bourgeoisie, and faced with very limited socio-economic prospects. Together, the propertied and non-propertied indigenous middle classes resented the economic advantages of foreigners and minority groups, formulating rightist, corporatist and crypto-fascist ideologies. In contrast, a weaker and delayed integration into the world economy, in the case of Iran, resulted in a state that was highly autonomous from both societal forces and foreign financial interests, creating the opportunity for a more effective nationalist-centrist economic policy in the interwar period, and, consequently, a highly independent and homogeneous intelligentsia class, whose interests were dissociated from, and in opposition to, those of the propertied classes. The results suggest that: where the intelligentsia is fully developed as a class, resting its power solely on symbolic capital, and where it is able to convert this capital into incomes, it is more independent of the bourgeoisie, and is more likely to lean left in terms of political ideology. Where the intelligentsia's cultural capital is more precarious, and its convertibility into economic capital frustrated by non-economic factors (disadvantages based on nationality, religion, and symbolic capital), its grounding in its propertied middle class of origin is more pronounced and is more organically linked to the latter, leading it to espouse corporatist ideologies, and fascism in times of crisis. This study seeks to contribute to class theory, by showing that the intelligentsia's interests are historically-contingent and relational, while addressing the neglected question of the variation in nationalist ideologies and movements in peripheral societies.
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| Subject
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Middle Eastern Studies; Sociology
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| Descriptor
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Social sciences;Egypt;Fascism;Ideology;Intelligentsia;Iran;Left
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| Added Entry
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Orloff, Ann; Derlugian, Georgi
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| Added Entry
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SociologyNorthwestern University
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